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PEOCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



CONVENTION OF LOYAL LEAGUES 



MECHANICS' HALL, UTICA, 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1863. 



REPORTED FOR THE CONVENTION. 



t HOLMAN, BOOK AND JOB PRINTER, CORNER CENTRE AND WHITE STREETS. 

1863. 



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PEOCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



CONTENTION OF LOYAL LEAGUES 



HELD AT 



MECHANICS' HALL, UTICA, 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1863. 



REPORTED FOR THE CONVENTION. 



KOMcJL ^Mf<^J^&lK.~' .■■ LiXlQccC f'L .t/LLL -<:J^' 



Weto ¥otfe: 
HOLMAN, BOOK AND JOB PRINTER, CORNER CENTRE AND WHITE STREETS. 

1863. 



^58 
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5J 



CALL OF THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE. 



CONVE.NTION OF LOYAL LEAGUES. 



A Convention of Loyal Leagues of the State of New York will be held at 
Utica on the morning of Tuesday, Oct. 20, 18G3, at 12 o'clock, to consider in 
what manner they may best aid the Government in the Prosecution of the War 
to the final and complete overthrow of the Eebellion against its authority and the 
re-establishment of the National Unity. 

The Loyal Leagues of the State are respectfully invited to meet in their several 
localities and appoint two delegates to represent them in the Convention. 

Every Loyal League in the State is earnestly invited to be represented. 

STATE executive COMMITTEE OF THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE OF THE STATE OF 

NEW YORK. 

Dist. L GEORGE OPDYKE, New York. 
JAMES T. BRADY, New York. 
IL ALEX. DAVIDSON, Haverstraw, Rockland. 
J. 0. NODYNE, Brooklyn, Kings. 
IIL THOMAS B.CARROLL, Troy, Rensselaer. 

JNO. C. NEWKIRK, Hudson, Columbia. 
HV. JNO. F. HAVENS, Canton, St. Lawrence. 

D. V. BERRY, Fonda, Montgomery. 
V. R. U. SHERMAN, New Hartford, Oneida. 

E. S. LANSING, Watertown, JeSerson. 
VL ABRM. LAWRENCE, Havana, Schuyler. 

EZRA CORNELL, Ithaca, Tompkins. 
VIL I. L. ENDRESS, Dansville, Livingston. 
ADOLPHUS MORSE, Rochester, Monroe. 
VIH. HARRY WILBUR, Batavia, Genesee. 
DAN H. COLE, Albion, Orleans. 



GEORGE OPDYKE, Chairman. 



Thomas B. Carroll, ] o i • 

Jno. Austin Stevens, Jr., [ Secretaries. 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION. 

MORNING SESSION-TEMPORARY ORGANIZATION. 



The delegates of the various Loyal Leagues and Union 
Leagues of the State of New York, assembled at Mechanics' 
Hall at the hour appointed. In this number were included many 
of the most distinguished representatives of the Loyal Union men 
of all sections of the State. 

CALL TO order. 

Mr. R. U. Sherman of Oneida came forward upon the platform 
and said : 

In the name of the State Executive Committee of the Loyal 
National League of the State of New York, I have the honor to 
call this Convention of Loyal Leagues to order, and to propose 
as temporary Chairman Hon. James A. Bell of Jefferson. 

The question was put and carried unanimously with great ap- 
plause. Mr. Bell came forward and said : 

speech of HON. JAMES A. BELL. 

Gentlemen of the Loyal Leagues, — We meet under circumstan- 
ces of great encouragement. Although the wicked and unjustifia- 
ble rebellion against tlie Constitution and the laws of our country 
is still unsubdued, yet the progress that our Government has made 
in that direction during the past year, calls upon us to thank God 
and take courage. History fails to record a succession of such glo- 
rious victories as our arms have achieved during the last few 
months. Nor is the success of our political struggles less encour- 
aging. The heart of every patriot has been gladdened by the 



• 6 

news from Maine and Vicksburgli, Port Hudson and California, 
Gcttysburgh and Ohio, Tennessee and Pennsylvania. 

Much, every way, has been done, but more remains to be accom- 
plished. Tiie rebels, through driven from more than one half of 
the original territory, and deprived of many of their strongholds, 
continue to evince a courage and determination worthy of a bet- 
ter cause. Indeed, were it not for the sympathy and encourage- 
ment they received from disloyal men in the Northern States, their 
courage must have failed three months ago. 

The object of this Convention, if I understand it, is, like that of 
the Loyal Leagues it here represents, to invite the loyal men of 
all parties to sustain the Government in its efforts to suppress 
the rebellion, and restore our country to peace and prosperity : 
to a peace that will be permanent. In the expressive language 
of our Chief Magistrate, " to a peace that will come to stay." 
This proposition involves the exercise of the means necessary to 
secure the ends in view. I will not insult the common sense of 
this Convention by arguing that such a consummation can not be 
attained by " fault-finding" at any measure wliicli the Government 
employs for the restoration of our country. Our counsels and our 
actions must be affirmative. If we would prove ourselves worthy 
to inherit, and perpetuate to the latest posterity the free institu- 
tions for which our fathers pledged their lives, their fortunes, and 
their sacred honors, we must make sacrifices, if necessary, of old 
party predilections, of property, and of life itself. To be worthy 
of our day and generation, we consider it an imperishable honor 
to have done something to sustain our country in this its hour of 
peril. Instead of complaining that our names, or the names of 
our friends, have been enrolled by the Marshal among the defend- 
ers of our country, we should rejoice that we have been found 
worthy to serve or contribute to such a glorious cause. 

I rejoice with you tiiat our prospects of political success in the 
State are so good. Our Loyal Leagues are fully organized and 
doing efficient work. Hoping that our deliberations will be 
such as to meet the approval of our own consciences, and contrib- 
ute to the best welfare of the country, I await the further pleasure 
of the Convention. 

On motion, Mr. John Austin Stevens, Jr., of New York, and 



Mr. George W. Taylor of Yates, were appointed temporary 
Secretaries. 

On motion it was resolved, after some debate, that the Conven- 
tion sit with closed doors until the permanent organization should 
be completed, and an order of business be established. 

On motion of Mr. Samuel Jayne of Yates, the roll of counties 
was called, and the Credentials of delegates were handed in. 

On motion of Mr. Bejian Brockway of Jefferson, a Committee 
of three was appointed to prepare a digest of the Credentials. 
The Chair named as such : 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Beman Brockway of Jefferson. 
A. S. Allen of Rensselaer. 
R. K. Sanford of Oswego. 

On motion of Mr. N. W. Davis of Tioga, a Committee of eight 
was appointed to report a permanent organization to the Conven- 
tion. The Chair named as such : 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

1. Nathaniel W. Davis of Tioga. 

2. John D. Comstock of Westchester. 

3. S. Spitzer of Kings. ' 

4. C. E. Terry of Columbia. 

5. Henry Holmes of Saratoga. 

6. Daniel Wood of Monroe. 

7. David A. Monroe of Onondaga. 

8. Elbridge G. Spaulding of Erie. 

Mr. Thomas B. Carroll of Rensselaer, moved the appointment 
of a Business Committee of eight, to report a plan of action for 
the Convention, with power to bring in an Address and Resolutions. 

Mr. Gerritt Smith of Madison supported the motion in the fol- 
lowing remarks : 



REMARKS OF HON. GERRITT SMITH. 

I read the call for this meeting with joy, and I am here in ac- 
cordance with it, because it specifies what is the work to be done. 
That one work is our answering the question, in what ways we 
can best aid the government in suppressing the rebellion and re- 
establishing the national unity. [Applause.] Now I hope the 
Convention will address itself to this business ; so that we may 
gather up our opinions in these respects. My idea is this : that 
we should call upon the gentlemen here to occupy some of the 
time at least in expressing their views upon this theme. Let our 
Committee be appointed, and let them be here to observe what is 
said. Having done that, they can frame a paper which shall con- 
tain the answer of this convention. It should be so brief as not 
to be tedious. It should be printed, and sent over the whole 
State so thickly that every voter would be compelled to read it. 
[Applause.] Now, I think if we should confine ourselves to the 
t-erms of the call we should accomplish a great deal for the cause 
of justice, and a great deal for the suppression of the rebellion. 
I hope the Committee will report to this meeting the way in 
which Loyal Leagues and Union Leagues can unite their influence 
to aid the government in suppressing the rebellion, and re-estab- 
lishing the aation in its unity. [Applause.] 

The motion prevailed, and the Chairman named the following 
gentlemen as a 

COMMITTEE ON BUSINESS. 

L Thomas B. Carroll, of Rensselaer. 

2. Frederick Scliutz, of New York. 

3. Gerritt Smith, of Madison. 

4. J. W. Dwight, of Tompkins. 

5. Alonzo Welch, of Saratoga. 

6. John Jay, of Westchester. 

7. D. J. Millard, of Oneida. 

8. James K. Bates, of Jefferson. 

On motion, the Convention took a recess until 3 P.M. 



Afternoon Session,— Permanent Organization. 

The Convention assembled at 3 P.M. The Committee on Cre- 
dentials presented their report through Mr. Beman Brock way of 
Jefferson, Chairman. (The List of delegates will befound at the 
close of the report.) 

Mr. Nathaniel W. Davis, of Tioga, presented the following re- 
port of the Committee on Permanent Organization, which was 
unanimously adopted. 

PRESIDENT. 

Hon. Elbridge G. Spaulding, of Erie. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

1. Frederick Schutz, of New York. 

2. George J. Bennett, of Kings. 

3. J. A. Millard, of Rensselaer.' 
.4. Alan sou Welch, of Saratoga. 

5. George N. Kennedy, of Onondaga. 

6. J. W. Dwight, of Tompkins. 

7. John W. Stebbins, of Monroe. • 

8. George W. Bull, of Erie. 

SECRETARIES. 

R. U. Sherman, of Oneida. 

John Austin Stevens, Jr., of New York. 

H. N. Beach, of Monroe. 

SPEECH OP HON. E. G. SPAULDING. 

Mr. Spaulding, on taking the Chair, said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention, — I thank you for the unexpected 
honor you have done me, and congratulate you on the bright pros- 
pects before you, evinced in the cheering result of the recent elec- 
tions in Pennsylvania and Ohio. [Applause.] You have met to 
devise means by which you can more efficiently aid the Govern- 
ment in putting down the rebellion and restoring unity to the 



10 

country. There are various ways in wliicli we can help sustain 
the Government. The Oovernment wants men, and it must have 
men, for in no otlfer way can the rebellion be put down. Money 
and men are provided by hiw ; but we must also have the moral 
power of the country on the side of the Government. It is no time 
now to organize a political party. [Applause.] The Government 
must be sustained. Whoever is in power must be sustained, 
whether Republican, Democrat, or Abolitionist. [Applause.] 

The administration of Mr. Buchanan was sustained — and sus- 
"tained by those persons who had opposed his course with the 
greatest determination. His Secretaries of the Treasury did all 
that thev could to bring the Government into disgrace, and to 
prevent the interest on the public debt from being paid, and they 
would have succeeded but for the noble and patriotic action of the 
banks and bankers, and private citizens of New York City, head- 
ed by Mr. John A. Stevens, President of the Bank of Commerce, 
and the father of your Secretary, who sits beside me on this plat- 
form. [Applause.] And again, when Thomas of Maryland, the 
Secretary, proposed improper appropriation of tlie funds of the 
Government, to the detriment of the credit of the Government, 
these same patriotic gentlemen brought about the removal of that 
Secretary, and replaced him witii that noble patriot, John A. Dix. 
[Great appljUse.] 

Tlien, after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and until Congress 
met, the finances of tiie Government were sustained by the joint 
action of the Banks of tlie three cities — New York, Boston, and 
Philadelphia— not as Republicans, not as Democrats, but as Amer- 
icans, as patriotic Americans, determined to maintain the Govern- 
ment, and sustain the life of the country. We have now to see 
what is the best way of providing the means to help on the Ad- 
ministration in its arduous task. We have provided men and 
money, but we have got to have the moral force of the people. 

Now what was the course of Vallandigham? I have served 
with him four years in Congress and know he is not to be trusted 
in behalf of the country. Burnside, a Democratic general, found 
it necessary to arrest him for his treasonable utterances ; he was 
tried and convicted. Gentlemen from this State telegraphed to 
Ohio that Mr. Vallandigham must be nominated for Governor, 
and that the administration must be rebuked. Mr. Yallandigham 



11 

took an appeal from the arrest by General Burnside ; from the 
decision of a Democratic Judge at Cincinnati ; and from the as- 
sent of the President to the order for banishment. I am very 
glad he took this appeal. It was a direct issue. Mr. Yallandig- 
ham against the war in general, and a vigorous prosecution of it 
in particular, and in open treason to the Government. No cavil- 
ing — the people on one side — the traitor on the other. The peo- 
ple went to the polls, and their verdict is what we are ready to 
rejoice over now. Instead of a rebuke coming from the people to 
the President, they have sustained him. They do not say, " You 
have gone too far." They say, " go on," by an overwhelming vote. 
[Applause.] Ohio has spoken with a nearly unanimous voice. 
Pennsylvania has spoken. Iowa, ]\Iaine, California, and all the 
free States that have had an opportunity since the hands of these 
leaders have been shown. 

Now, fellow-citizens, what is the duty of the hour? The object 
of the gathering here to-day is to devise means for placing this 
State upon the same platform with the others. 

The ticket nominated at Syracuse is a loyal ticket, and the men 
upon it are not ashamed to avow their loyalty, all over the State. 
You can take that ticket and hold it up without a blush. Depew, 
Robinson, Cochrane, Schuyler — take the ticket right down, and 
there is no difficulty in finding where these men stan * 

They are for sustaining the President in a vigorous prosecution 
of the war. But how is it with those gentlemen on the other 
party ticket? Why, they twist their shoulders and say, " I don't 
like some things the President has done. He lias had a conscrip- 
tion act passed, and has issued an emancipation proclamation. 
He has caused arbitrary arrests by suspending habeas corpus . All 
these things we do not like, and we guess we can not sustain the 
Administration." And so every thing they do is calculated to 
weaken the power of the Government. Has it not been so with 
the draft ? There is only one way, gentlemen, in which you can 
rebuke such language, and teach these men that in time of war 
there is but one duty, and that is to sustain the Government at 
all hazards. That way is to go to the polls and vote them down. 
We want no doubtful men in office. Gentlemen, it is a very sol- 
emn time. It is a serious time. I have never been so sanguine 
as many in regard to the immediate success of this war. I have 



12 , 

known tliat these desperadoes were in earnest. They were ready 
to fis^ht to the last man. And now, to-day, while we stand here 
endeavorin*^ to see which way we can best sustain the Adminis- 
tration, the army of Gen. Lee threatens Washinjjton, and is nearly 
where it was two and a half years aj^o. Yes, fellow-citizens, more 
money is to be expended, more sacrifices made, more blood spilled. 
And we are here to-day to see to it, that the fires of patriotism do 
not wane in this hour of the country's greatest need. We want a 
hundred thousand men more than we have got, in the army of the 
Potomac. We want a hundred thousand men to reinforce the 
army of the Cumberland. There is no flinching now. This is 
the hour of peril.' Now is the time to sustain the Administration, 
and we have got to do it with the utmost vigor, or this country 
will be divided. What wamust have, is an army big enough, and 
strong enough, and well enough sustained by the people at home, 
to crush out this rebellion in the shortest time, and with the least 
possible expenditure of blood and treasure. And this can only 
be done by standing firm now, at this greatest crisis in our affairs. 
. I am happy, gentlemen, to meet so many of you from all parts 
of the Slate ; and I trust you have come here prepared to sustain 
every loyal proposition. I am glad to meet my friends from the 
■East and So*th, and I bring to you from the West [Buffalo] pretty 
cheering news. Our county is waking up. All over it Loyal 
Leagues are being organized. Speeches are being made in every 
town ; and we expect, if we do not carry the county, to make 
the vote at least one thousand better than it was last fall. And 
in conversation with gentlemen from all parts of the State, I re- 
ceive assurances which promise victory. What we want, is a vig- 
orous canvass from now to the close of the polls. 

I have been selected to be the President of this Convention, an 
honor wholly unexpected, and I thank you. 

I will not detain you by further remarks, except to bring to 
your mind the fact, that the Empire State is a great State. It is 
a mighty power in the nation. At Washington, there is no State 
that we look to with so much concern, as to the State of New 
York. It is the centre whence we have received thus far .for the 
support of the Government a mighty pecuniary sustaining power. 
It is the State on which the general government must always lean 
for financial aid. It is also important on account of its vast com- 



13 

mercial relations. And I can not believe for a moment, that the 
vote given last fall was a true expression of the loyalty of our 
citizens. 

I know that Governor Seymour professed to be for a vigorous 
prosecution of the war. I know that some of his friends sustained 
him as an advocate for that platform. I know tiiat the Demo- 
cratic members of Congress professed to be for a vigorous prose- 
cution of the war. And, gentlemen, you have seen one year of 
the administration of Governor Seymour. I want you all to re- 
flect. I want the country to reflect. Has Governor Seymour 
carried out tlie views and wishes of the people of this State? So 
far as I am able to judge, he never has come up to the expecta- 
tions of the loyal. Now, in order that the voice of the State of 
New York shall be heard and felt by. the Union, that the Presi- 
pent and his cabinet, who are struggling so hard against such 
odds, should be cheered, we must work. I pray to God he may 
have all the loyal hearts to sustain him in his arduous duty. 
[Applause.] The one great thing for us to accomplish, is to show 
the moral power of the State of New York on the side of Union 
and Liberty, and upholding the President in all his measures. I 
can not doubt that you are prepared to do that duty. 

I have said that I am ready to co-operate with any body who is 
loyal. I gave my right hand of fellowship to all such men at the 
Syracuse Convention. I said nominate loyal men, and I care not 
what their politics may have been, so they are honest men who 
will stand up for the Administration. [Applause.] 

The President liaNing concluded his remarks, upon taking the 
Chair, called upon Mr. John A. Millard of Rensselaer, to address 
the Convention, who spoke as follows : 

SPEECH OF JOHN A. MILLARD OF RENSSELAER. 

lam not in the habit of making political speeches, and, until 
two years past, when I did make speeches, they were Democratic 
ones. I may not have forgotten all my sins yet. I may say some- 
things I ought not to say. I was born, bred, and educated a 
Democrat, and, until a few years back, lived such. I thought when 
I was a Democrat that the Democracy was for the country, and 
for the greatest liberty to the greatest number of the country, and 



u . 

whatever was for the benefit of the masses was for the l)Gncfit of 
tlie country, and vice versa. It now seems to have been changed 
partiall}', and that, I appreliend, has caused so much overlooking 
of real loyalty. How liappy would it be for the country if we 
could all collect our loyalty at the same time that we divest our- 
selves of partisanship. 

Who does not recollect that when Sumter was attacked the 
entire country was aroused. Tliis Union blazed in one great fire 
against the rebellion. The idea of our country being attacked 
was then a new thing, and fitted to arouse our indignation, and, 
forgetting party, the people readily sprang to arms. Every man 
spoke out in favor of the war, and against this rebellion. Now 
that feeling stayed just so long as we permitted it to last, and no 
longer. We then relaxed our loyalty, and that brought on the re- 
turn to partisan spirit — and perhaps we may blame the present Ad- 
ministration for it. I stand here to-day not to chide nor to carp 
at the policy of the Administration. Still, it seems to me, the Ad- 
ministration did not take proper care of the country. But, now, 
my fellow-citizens, I apprehend we have got this new, tliis glorious 
doctrine of putting down this rebellion without a condition. 
[Applause.] We can all think of one idea, but sometimes we can 
not complicate. We can all say we want tliis rebellion put down 
any how. But some of us have said, " I want it put down so that 
my brother in the South shall not lose that property in slaves. I 
want it put down by restoring the Constitution just as it was." 
And, in the name of God, is there an artificer on this earth that 
eould do that ? And when we speak honestly, who wants it re- 
stored ? We are making grand progress now toward purifying 
the Union. This Hydra, this damnable evil that is sustaining re- 
bellion, is itself being withered away by the crushing out of the 
rebellion. Now, let us stick to this one grand idea. It is simple 
— it is sufficiently loyal. If we will only divest ourselves of par- 
tisan spirit, and of little personal interests, or of private animosi- 
ties, we can go for the Administration, unconditionally, in all its 
efiforts to put down these conspirators. [Applause.] 

But we are apt to forget this noble spirit. And, while this 

great rebellion is putting us down, we are weakening our efforts 

by taking sides, jnd all this because I want to put down my friend 

who goes for Mr. Smith, and he wants to put me down because I 

• 



15 

go for Mr. Brown. We must so scliool ourselves that we can go 
for putting down this rebellion at all Imzards, 

Therefore it is that we should sustain all those candidates whose 
names appear upon the Union ticket. 

It is only a few months ago that we were here with that flag 
of the Stars and Stripes hanging over our heads, and we had a 
magnificent fight whether we should sustain the Administration in 
its negro policy. Many men objected to sustaining the Procla- 
mation of Emancipation. And, until the Administration erected 
itself upon the same platform, we had all England against us as 
well as the so-called Confederate States. This was all because 
the Government did not take ground airainst this damnable negro 
Slavery. The Administration with old file leaders on the one 
side, and the true and loyal men upon the other, staved off the 
threatened embroglio. [Applause.] 

It has been only lately that the Government has had a policy, 
and who could have thought that the most strenuous advocates of 
freedom in time of Peace, would have been in favor of slavery in 
time of War? The only true test of a man, is not to judge him 
while he lives, but when he is dead you can tell what he has been. 
When the Administration had wit enough to frame a policy, that 
moment rebellion began to crumble. In the Providence of God, 
a blow here and there was almighty. It seemed as though Prov- 
idence was against us, until we erected ourselves into something 
like human freedom. Until we chose to look to the welfare of 
the beings that inhabit this earth ; until men condescended to look 
to men, and take care of the interests of all men, God did not 
seem to help us. Since that policy has been erected, Vicksburgh 
has fallen, and with it went the strength of the rebellion ; and 
Charleston has only been fairly blockaded since then. 

And now I am going to tell you that there is a man on his 
way South to take better care of slavery. And where a human 
black man wants to fight for a human white man, in the Provi- 
dence of God he is to be permitted to do so. [Applause.] There 
is to be no more fustian about this idea of arming the blacks. It 
has got to be done, whether newspapers write it up or write it 
down. We have got at last one grand idea, that every one can 
think of. Until we said that negro slavery should be put down, 
Engrland was against us. Since that time we have grown in 



10 ' 

strength, so that I think we are able now to take care of England 
too. [Applause.] 

[The allusion by Mr. Millard, was to Gen. James S. Wads- 
worth, now on his way to the Department of the South.] 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON BUSINESS, ADDRESS, AND RESOLUTIONS 
— DEBATE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

The Committee on Business being ready to report, Mr. Thomas 
B. Carroll read the following resolutions on behalf of the Com- 
mittee : 

REPORT. 

Whereas, There are strong reasons to fear, that, although the 
sympathizers with the rebels have been overthrown in nearly every 
free State, they mean to resort to new corrupt appliances and the 
most unwarrantable forces to continue to afford aid and comfort 
by this State to the Confederacy, therefore be it resolved : 

1. The patriotic and effective services of our brethren in other 
States should stimulate us to extend our organizations and re- 
double our efforts to second at the polls the work our compatriots 
are doing in the field. 

2. It is the duty of our bodies, both on our account and in co- 
operation with other Union organizations, to increase tlie circula- 
tion of useful papers and documents, and to multiply neighborhood 
meetings for political instruction, combination, and action. 

3. We hail the elections in Pennsylvania and Ohio as declaring 
the approval, by the people of those States, of the policy of the 
President in the conduct of tlie war, and of the great measures to 
which he has resorted in its prosecution, and as declaring also 
their determination that the war shall continue to be vigorously 
prosecuted until the integrity of our national territory and the 
supremacy of the American people shall be restored ; and we 
hereby pledge ourselves to a cordial and unswerving support of 
the Government, until the rebellion is absolutely crushed, and our 
rights and liberties fairly re-established. 

5. The experience of the last few months has demonstrated that 
it is in vain our brave defenders in the field ofi'er tiieir lives for 
the preservation of our laws and liberties, if desperadoes remain- 
ing at home, incited and sustained by political demagogues, may 
take the lives and plunder the property of our citizens. Hence it 



17 

is equally as necessary to elect patriotic rulers and maintain good 
government in the States, as it is for a brave and loyal army to 
uphold the flag and maintain the integrity of the Union. 

6. The masses of the party calling itself Democratic, are un- 
questionably loyal and patriotic ; so were the masses of the people 
of the States led into rebellion true at first to the Union. But so 
long as leaders, known to be disloyal, are able to combine and 
control tlie action of unthinking followers, just so long must 
thinking men be active and vigilant in the defense of their liberties, 
through the instrumentality of the election franchise. 

7. It is the duty, as it should be the pleasure, of all American 
citizens, to second every effort of a faithful government to main- 
tain and defend its integrity ; hence every call that it may make 
for men or money for that purpose should be responded to with 
alacrity, and hence we regard the new call of the government for 
patriotic volunteers, or, if necessary, for a further draft, as an in- 
dication of perseverance and determination worthy of all commend- 
ation, and deserving a most hearty response. 

8. It is therefore the duty of our bodies, and their individual 
members, to devote all their available time to the promotion of 
the election of true Union candidates for ofiice ; and especially on 
tiie day of election to see that every man comes to the polls who 
is true to the government, and that no man votes who is not 
legally entitled to the franchise. 

Mr. Henry Erbb of the German National Club, New York, 
moved the following resolution to take place as number four in 
the series. He stated that his constituents would not be satisfied, 
■without an explicit approval on the part of the Convention, of 
the principles on wdiich the Proclamation of Emancipation were 
founded. Pie made a telling speech which was loudly applauded. 

4. We hail with profound joy and gratitude the Confiscation' 
Act and the Emancipation Proclamation, not as efficient and 
transitory icar measures alone, but as the only true and firm 
foundation of an enduring peace, and as tiie great corner-stone 
of the Union regenerated in the spirit of Jefferson. [Great ap- 
plause and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.] 

Mr. Stebbins of Monroe seconded the motion in a few eloquent 
words. 

Mr. Jay and Mr. Carroll both disclaimed, on the part of the 
Committee, any desire to avoid the question, but considered that, 
2 



18 , 

as the measures were now accepted as the policy of the country, 
it was no longer needful to particularize them. Still, as the gen- 
tleman from New York represented- tiiat any portion of the people 
would look for such action, it had their hearty concurrence. 

On the question to adopt the resolutions, Mr. George N. Wil- 
liams of Wayne moved to strike out so much of the sixth resolu- 
tion as referred to the loyal " masses of the people of the States led 
into rebellion true at first to the Union." He thought the time had 
come in the state of the war, for us to give up talking about the 
loyalty of the Soutliern people ; for one, he did not believe in it. 
He had been in the South at the breaking out of the rebellion. 
He did not see any loyalty there. 

Mr. John Austin Stevens, Jr., of New York, protested earn- 
estly against any such course on the part of the Convention. It 
had been his fortune, during the past year, to hold most intimate 
relations with Southern loyalists, and among them, two of the 
noblest men that had been brought forward by this war. One of 
them, Gen. Hamilton of Texas, whose eloquent words had rung 
like a clarion whenever there was a cry of danger to the cause. 
Debarred as yet by the Administration from using his sword to 
put down rebellion in the field, he had used his noble gift of elo- 
quence to defend the principles of liberty wherever they were en- 
dapgered by northern traitors. [Great applause.] 

Another of them, Mr. William Alexander, formerly of Ken- 
tucky, but for many years of Texas, had been his guest (Mr. Ste- 
vens') for eight months. Of their loyalty there was no question ; 
and who could forget the thousands who have proved true to the 
cause of country against every temptation and under every cir- 
cumstance of trial. 

The Convention rejected the proposed alteration. 



19 

Mr.'GERRiTT Smith of Madison, on the part of the Committee, 
reported and read the following 

ADDRESS OF THE LOYAL LEAGUES OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, 
IN CONVENTION ASSEMBLED, TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE 
OF NEW YORK : 

The delegates of the Leagues of the State of New York, as- 
sembled in the city of Utica, October 20, 1863, to consider in what 
manner they may best aid the Government in the prosecution of 
the war to the final and complete overthrow of the rebellion 
against its authority, and the re-establishment of the national 
unity, have, after much deliberation, come to the following con- 
clusions : 

1. One of the ways in which you can "best aid" it, is to talk 
and write against the Rebellion. The sham Democrats talk and 
write a little against it. But this is only to the end of making 
more effective their much talking and writing for it. In your 
honest, earnest, and habitual talking and writing against the Re- 
bellion, you should especially aim to arouse the slumbering patri- 
otism of your neighbors. Especially also should you aim, if only 
for their children's sake, to recall to loyalty such of those neigii- 
bors as have followed the counsels of treason. Very sad is the 
reflection that thousands of persons here at the North must go 
through life under the stigma of being the children of traitors. 

2. Another of the ways in which you can " best aid" your Gov- 
ernment, is with your money. Welcome the war taxes, even the 
heaviest of them, upon your property and pursuits, pay them patri- 
otically and cheerfully. Have you money to invest ? — purchase 
with it the bonds of the Government. For in this wise you not 
only help the Government with your money, but you also help it 
by expressing your confidence in it. Doubt not that these bonds 
will be paid. No other nation has more ability than our own to 
fulfill its obligations. But to a patriot this point need not be 
argued. For he wishes no higher than his country's security for 
the return of his investment. If his country fail, he is willing to 
fail with it. Wealth can no longer have worth to him, after he 
no longer has a country. 

3. Another of the ways in which you can " best aid" your Goy- 



20 

ernraent is to supply it with soldiers. When one of your drafted 
neighbors can not or ought not to be a soldier, then let a substitute 
be provided. Men of property, and especially rich men, should be 
eager to help make such provision. What so good use can a man 
make of his wealth as in obtaining defenders of his country? 
The present call of the Government for three hundred thousand 
soldiers you should not only approve but rejoice in. It is a fresh 
evidence not only of the earnestness of the Government, but of its 
determination to make a speedy end of wliat remains of the Re- 
bellion. We hope that no draft will be necessary, but that three 
hundred thousand volunteers will respond to the call, and that 
their neighbors will encourage them with liberal bounties and 
ample provision for their families. 

4. The only other, of all other ways, to best aid your govern- 
ment, which we will single out and commend to you, is that of 
giving your votes, and of getting other men to give theirs, to the 
Government. The civil as well as the military power must be on 
the side of the Government. If you give the Government all that 
it needs of military preparation against the enemy, including even 
millions of soldiers, nevertheless, with an adverse civil power, it 
will be but too like to fail. Hardly could you hope for success 
for it, if the National Legislature, or a large proportion of the 
State Legislature or State Executive were against it. Suppose 
Gov. Curtin of Pennsylvania, and Gov. Andrew of Massachusetts, 
had been at work with our Gov. Seymour to poison and prejudice 
the popular mind against the Government. Suppose that, like 
him, they had refused to protect with State troops the peace, the 
persons, and the property of their respective States ; suppose that, 
like him, they had put the militia of their respective States in the 
hands of officers who are notoriously in sympathy with the enemy; 
suppose that, like him, they had desecrated the Foui'th of July 
witii speeches inciting their followers to violence against the Gov- 
ernment, and to the putting of mobs on a par with the Govern- 
ment, and to the accounting of the Government As a despotism 
which they arc at liberty to supplant with a despotism of their 
own choosing, and to the classing of Northern traitors with our 
Revolutionary Fathers, and to the shutting of Federal power out 
of the States; to suppose all this is to suppose that the Govern- 



.21 

ment would surely have been discouraged aud paralj^zed, and the 
country surely lost. 

"We are urging the importance of votes for the Government — in 
other words, of votes that will place the Civil Authorities on the 
side of the Government. This importance is even greater than 
that of giving soldiers to the Government. With the Civil 
Authorities on its side, the Government will find it easy to get 
soldiers. But, with tlie Civil Authorities at work to reduce the 
patriotism of the people, and turn them away from the war, the 
obstacles in tiie way of getting soldiers will become well nigh in- 
surmountable. 

But how shall we so give our votes, that they will be votes 
given to the government? We answer by electing men to office 
who, officially and unofficially, formally and informally, in season 
and out of season, constantly and cordially, will co-operate with 
the Government in its one present work of crushing the rebellion ! 
Hence if there is a candidate, who does not make this work earn- 
estly and unconditionally his own one present work, we can not 
vote for him. When a sound patriot sees a causeless and murder- 
ous rebellion against his country he does not, like Gov. Seymour, 
"pause" to make conditions. But he goes promptly and unquali- 
fiedly for putting it down, wholly irrespective of what the putting 
of it down may help or harm. We can put political power into no 
man's hands, who, when the life of his country is struck at, will 
not go instantly, uncalculatingly, and unconditionally for over- 
throwing the assassins. And just now let us say, that if any man 
has a party or an interest which will be damaged by the putting 
down of this rebellion, he had better hasten to quit the party and 
dismiss the interest. For they must both be bad, very bad. 

In the light of what we have said, we can not vote for any of 
the candidates on the Democratic State ticket ; for not one of 
them is in favor of putting down the rebellion unconditionally, and 
by whatever means may prove most effective. Not one of them 
stands by the Government. All of them stand by Seymour, Yal- 
landigham, and others, open enemies of the Government. All of 
them are for making peace with the rebels by making concessions 
to the rebels. To vote for them is to vote for men in open sym- 
pathy with the enemy, and for men whom the enemy is intensely 
aud openly desirous to have us elect. 



22. 

And now can we, in the liglit of what we have laid down, vote 
for the men on the other State ticket — the Union State ticket ? 
We can. We can vote for every one of them. There are Demo- 
crats upon it, and yet Republicans can vote the ticket. There are 
Republicans upon it, and yet Democrats can vote it. In short, any 
and every man can vote it, who is not more of a partisan than a 
patriot. And why is it that every patriot can vote it? Because 
every man upon the ticket is a patriot, and goes therefore for the 
destruction of the rebellion, at whatever cost to party or self. 
Because, in a word, every man upon it has given up party and self 
for country. 

We might have summed up all the duties that we owe at this 
crisis, in the one duty of standing by our patriotic Government, 
and especially by our able and honest President. 

We say no more. The time for words is passing away. The 
time for duty is at hand. In a few hours we shall start for our 
respective homes, and for the renewal of our labors to get patriot- 
ic votes into the ballot box. We trust that you will all be with 
us in this labor ; and that you will count no services too burden- 
some, if so be that you may thereby contribute to make the labor 
successful. — Pennsylvania and Ohio have just proved, through the 
ballot box, that they are on the side of the country. In the like 
way must New York prove that she also is on that side. The un- 
ion of these three great centre States will, to use Bible language, 
be " a threefold cord not quickly broken." — This cord will stand 
any strain which the traitors of the South or the worse traitors of 
the North can bring against it. 

Ohio has put her Vallandigham into his political grave. Penn- 
sylvania has put her Woodward into his. A fortnight hence, and 
New York will make a similar disposition of her Seymour and 
Woods. It is true, that they are not literally in nomination at this 
election. Nevertheless their principles, and virtually they them- 
selves, are in nomination in the persons of the Democratic State 
candidates. — Hence, in burying these candidates, as we surely shall, 
we shall also bury the Seymours and Woods, whose traitorous 
principles are identical with and more outspoken than those of 
these candidates. 

The address and resolutions, as amended by the insertion of the 



23 

fourth resolution, were then unanimously adopted amid great 
applause. 

Mr. John Austin Stevens, Jr., called the attention of the Con- 
vention to the work of the Loyal Publication Society of the city 
of New York, who, from their headquarters, No. 863 Broadway, 
had put forward since their organization some 300,000 documents, 
handsomely printed and covered, of some thirty different charac- 
ters. He stated that, as Secretary of that Society, he begged to 
tender its services in the National cause, and informed the Con- 
vention that there were in the Hall, ready for gratuitous distribu- 
tion, 2,000 pamphlets. He hoped the Leagues would correspond 
with the Society and circulate its publications, which were in the 
interest of no individual, but "all for our country." 

On motion, the loyal journals throughout the State were re- 
quested to publish the proceedings of the Convention, and the 
Executive Committee directed to publish the same in pamphlet 
form for general distribution. 

The Convention then took a recess until 7 o'clock ; breaking 
up with enthusiastic cheers for the platform adopted. 



Evening Session. 

The Convention assembled at 7 o'clock, Mr. John A. Millard 
of Rensselaer taking the Chair in the absence of the President. 
The room was crowded with the Convention and citizens. 

Mr. N. W. Davis of Tioga was called for, and spoke as fol- 
lows : 

SPEECH OF N. W. DAVIS OF TIOGA. 

I know not why I have been called upon to address you, except 
it is to fill up the time until a speaker more worthy shall arrive 
to interest as well as instruct you. And first, with reference to 
Horatio Seymour and the draft, let me say a word. When the 
Governor was in favor of sustaining and supporting the Woods, 



24 

do you think he had the interest of tlie country at heart? Do 
you believe that wlien he suffered them to publish that not a soli- 
tary man should be taken out of this State by tlie draft against 
his will, he was a patriot? But the JYev^s said, " the whole mili- 
tary power of the State Militia was pledged to keep at home 
those unwilling to go." He has shown throughout that he was 
determined to resist the law of Conscription. And to Seymour 
is directly cliargcable that infamous riot in the city of New York, 
and the death of those men that were murdered ; their blood rests 
upon his skirts. Do you believe that if Seymour had said that 
we are to uphold the laws of Congress, that disgraceful affair 
would have taken place ? Do you not believe that if he had said 
a law similar to the one which is now upon the Statute book had 
been passed by Congress in the early part of the Republic, it 
would have somewhat changed the feeling of the multitude ? Yet 
Horatio Seymour could more than intimate that that law was un- 
constitutional ; and being so, was not binding on the consciences 
of tlie people of the State of New York. And this he did while 
this nation was groaning under this rebellion. He asked that the 
men should remain at home. But stop ! such a thought never en- 
tered his heart. His purpose was that tliose in rebellion against 
the Government should not be resisted, but march victorious into 
tliis country and then seek for reconstruction. And now, what 
further have we to show that such was their object, and such their 
hopes and designs ? In 1862, the Democratic party said that there 
must be a draft, for that was the only way to make the burdens 
of the war equal. Well, before the law of Congress was passed, 
what did we find in the Legislature of the State. I had the honor 
of representing the county I now am a delegate from in this Con- 
vention. Now, what were the facts? Men were called from the 
city of New York, and they came into the Legislative halls armed 
with stones, knives, and pistols, to intimidate us. A man drew 
his pistol upon me, and said, "you ought to receive the contents 
of this revolver." I told him to put that up, for if he did not I 
Avould smash every bone in his body. He was a man from the 
city of New York, one of Mr. Seymour's "friends." Well, they 
pressed upon us so strongly one evening when the organization 
was pending that m'C found it an impossibility to transact business, 
and we were pledged to adjourn. Well, the farce went on until 



25 

sucli time as Mr. Murpliv of Erie, under the guidance of Brigadier- 
general John E. Green of Syracuse, while Mr. Cushraan was 
speaking against time, poked liis head through the door, and said, 
" now is your opportunity." Trimmer of Monroe was put up for 
Speaker, and he "shot the pit." Judge Dean was nominated, but 
he was absent in the cloak room. Representative Murpliy rose 
and said, "I nominate John Murphy of Erie, Speaker. Those in 
favor say aye ; those opposed no. The ayes have it." Those on 
our side were so taken by surprise, that only two or three voted in 
the negative. Murphy took the gavel and ascended to the Speak- 
er's Chair. I thought that was no time for him to usurp authority, 
and I invited him to come down out of that Chair. Well, he 
came down, and was an excellent good man all winter, except 
when he got boosy. There was another petition drawn up, and 
signed by a gentleman of tiiat house for a certain position. 
Thomas Field and Judge Dean both came to me, and said they 
would be glad to sign this petition, but it would commit them to 
the Conscription Act. Well, from that time onward, that Act 
was never spoken of by a Democrat on that floor without calling 
it the unconstitutional Conscription Act. I asked them if they 
■meant to oppose it. They said they did. And it was for the 
pur(30se of rendering it odious in the minds of the people. And 
it was to say to these men, " Here, now, volunteering is the true 
policy of the Government : no man should be called upon to risk 
his life unless he felt willing to do so," and when he was drafted 
it showed that he was unwilling. It showed that it was a stigma 
upon his character. And these men have done every thing in 
their power to prevent its operation. They came to the Legisla- 
ture with a delegation for the purpose of the passage of a law, by 
which they might pay in a certain amount of money to furnish the 
$300 from such fund for every drafted man. And they had the 
frankness to say that they meant to defeat the entire policy of 
that Act, and leave the Administration witliout support in the 
field. Be it to the honor and credit of the Committee on Public 
Defense, there was not a man willing to second that measure. 

Again, there is such a man as Horatio Seymour in Buffalo. 
Well, the question came up in reference to the President's Eman- 
cipation Proclamation. Mr. Seymour could not stand that aboli- 
tion document. Now, what did he assert (this is for the purpose 



26 

of showing )'0u that this is all understood by our Democrats)? 
Mr. Seymour declared that there had not been a victory on our 
side since the battle of Antietam, and affirmed that there would 
not be another victory until such time as the President with- 
drew that Proclamation. I asked whether he meant to say by 
his assertion tliat Geo. B. McClellan Avas a traitor to his country. 
And whetlier he meant to say that it was in consequence of that 
Proclamation that McClellan had folded his arms and did not 
march forward to victory. They wanted to know if I meant to 
say that Geo. B- McClellan was a coward. I told them no ; but 
he was certainly a man of very great caxition. 

Now, what has been the position of Gov. Seymour in reference 
to Vallandigham ? Was it not recommended that he should be 
sustained ? Was it not said to be an outrage that he should be 
sent among his friends ? And did not the Confederate Govern- 
ment say that it would be infinitely better for their cause, if he 
were back in Ohio to aid them? And did they not help him out 
at once ? He designed going back there, but he is still over the 
border. Why, it seems as though God was in it. lie was con- 
demned, sent off where Seymour should have been. And, now, 
what has been done ? Gov. Seymour must speak of the great 
abuse of the man, made an exile and a martyr for the liberties of 
his country. But where is he, and where is this great Democratic 
army which was fighting our battles, and which they dare not 
trust to vote ? Now, let Horatio Seymour be rebuked with a 
similar verdict from the Empire State. Will you be satisfied with 
giving 20,000 majority ? Look at Ohio, that noble State, that has 
repudiated every vestige of toryism. [Applause.] And this fall, 
when the 3d of November has closed, let the triumphant voice 
give at least 50,000 majority for the Republican ticket. It can be 
done. All you have got to do, is to buckle on your armor and 
go into the work. Will you not do this for the purpose of retain- 
ing your good name ? Let not the government of the great State 
of New York get down on its knees to a deluded mob, and trem- 
blino:ly say to them, "I am yoi5r friend, and the friend of your 
families." *' You are my supporters, and without you I should have 
no political power." Well, now, I put the question fairly : Is he 
supported by the intelligence of the State of New York? What 
do the South care for the " whisky-drinking Irish," as they call 



27 

them, and yet they are doing every thing they possibly can in 
favor of the South. Another thing. There was a desire that the 
soldiers who have gone from the State of New York should be 
permitted to vote, and yet the Democratic leaders in the House 
said they were not to be trusted, because they were the macliines 
of their officers. Well, I asked one man, Avho are their officers? 
Well, he said, I suppose they were all black Republicans. Ah, I 
replied, the most of them are Democrats, and you dare not trust 
tliem. And it is astonishing, that every honest Democrat that has 
gone to the war should be perfectly willing to make use of every 
means for the putting down of this rebellion. Every thing that 
is of benefit to an enemy, you have a right to take for the purpose 
of weakening that enemy. And when the slave was taken from 
them we weakened the rebellion and made him our friend. Al- 
though at first many of the white soldiers demurred at parading 
with the blacks, yet their heroic conduct has driven this bigotry 
all away. 

My fellow-citizens, I think a true impulse animates tlie people 
of the county where I live, and I hope that we can go home, and 
say to our people that this Convention, composed as it is of men 
from every part of the State, by its earnestness of spirit, gave 
token of the sure victory which awaits us. 

Mr. Webster, of Montgomery, followed in a warm eulogium 
on Mr. Seward, whom he understood to be criticised in the re- 
marks made during the morning session. 

Mr. Spitzer being introduced to tlie Convention as an eloquent 
speaker, followed in a brief and spirited address. 

SPEECH OP MR. S. SPITZER OF KINGS. 

I am very certain that I have been called up here to speak to 
you under a false representation. There is not given to me the 
flow of language which I have heard here through the day, and 
which I know the American people are so capable of. All you 
may expect from me is this, tliat a man fresh from the common 
people, with the common senses of the people, takes the liberty of 
addressing a few words to you. Every man who is loyal has a 
right to a seat in this hall. We have met here at a crisis of this 
country, and success seems nearer to us than ever before. Loyal 



28 

men can stand up with more vigor and force tliis year than last, 
and in this very election which is upon us. Why ? Because we 
have succeeded in one thing, and that is, we have been able to 
nail the copperhead where he belongs. [Applause.] Where was 
that proved? It was proved at the elections of Ohio and Penn- 
sylvania. Here there was the election contested between the 
traitor and the loyal man. In both of these States I might 
perhaps l}e opposed by some in this opinion, who would urge, 
it is very well to say it of Mr. Vallandigham, but why should 
Judge Woodward be a traitor ? Gentlemen, I have simple ideas — 
quite simple. I think that when the country is engaged in a 
contest with an enemy who is making war upon her Constitution, 
there are only two parties. One party that goes for upholding 
the country, that is loyal ; and the other party that goes for half 
and half measures — they are traitors. And the sooner we know 
it, the surer will be our victory. I belonged once to a despotic 
government, and it happened I was not loyal, Fernando Wood 
has defined loyalty as belonging only to monarchical govcrn- 
nients. But when I came to this counti-y, and saw that of which 
I had only heard, then I learned to be loyal ; I stand on that 
principle of strict loyalty unconditional under all circumstances. 
Surely we ought to be true to the government of our own clioos- 
ing. It is the first principle of a republic to abide by their own 
laws which the people through their own majorities make. These 
ideas are gaining ground among the people. [Applause.] 

Hon. RoscoE CoNKLiNG of Utica was earnestly called for, and, 
amid the most cordial greetings, spoke as follows : 

SPEECH OP ROSCOE CONKLING OF ONEIDA. 

Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens, — I do not beliere I can make 
a speech to 3'ou to-night if I should try. If you had asked me to 
sing a song or preach a sermon it might be more convenient. Sil- 
ver and gold have I none [such as you have, give us] ; that I 
have, I give thee. 

You are assembled, fellow-citfzcns, not as partisans, but as pa- 
triots. Not to contrive what can be done for a party, but to con- 
sider what can be done for the country. 

We iiave been for nearly three years involved in the most dread- 
ful of all public calamities — a civil war — a war the greatest which 



29 

the world ever saw. We are torn by a rebellion which has 
drenched the land with blood, and covered it with mourning-. We 
have spent treasures untold in success. We have contracted a debt 
so enormous, tliat perhaps posterit}- alone can acquit it. We have 
sent out the bravest and best of our men, and tliousands upon 
thousands of bloody graves are filled with the young and true of 
the land. And still the strife goes on. And the question remains 
precisely what it was at first, and that question is how shall we 
best aid the cause ? We are all peace men, and we all pray for 
peace— not a transient peace — not a deceptive peace, but a peace 
which will come to stay, which will bring with it a rescued nation- 
ality, which will restore the union of these States and the Consti- 
tution as our fathers made it. Yes, all the Constitution, with 
every line and letter of it intact. So that we can carry out and 
enforce it, and cause it to be obeyed from the everglades of Florida 
to the snows of Minnesota, and from tlie gulches of California to 
the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Such is the prayer of every loyal heart. 
And this peace can be found only by the path which leads tlirough 
a prostrated rebellion. [Applause.] There is no offer of peace 
from the insurgents, and I do not speak unadvisedly when I say, 
there has been none. Nor will there be till the rebels have been 
subjugated and subdued. I mean to use a word which goes all 
the way. I mean till we have trampled out by force of arms that 
painted lizard called Secession. Is tliis election, my neighbors, 
a contest for the little gains and slight honors of public place ? If 
this is all there is of it — I speak for one — if I go to the polls, and 
vote, I should consider I have done all the duty resting upon me. 
But this contest is sometliing more than that. It is a conflict of 
great principles. It involves the fate of our country's destiny. 
It is only one of its pitiful incidents that it decides tlie fate of indi- 
vidual man. The question wliich every man should put to himself 
now is, what can 1 do by public or private action most speedily 
and certainly to bind up tlie gashed bosom of the Union — to re- 
store the Constitution, and strengtiien tlie hands of the authorities 
and the Government of tliis country ? We all know tliat this rebel- 
lion came into life and lives to-day upon tlie divisions and dissen- 
sion of the loyal States. The ciiief Executive of this State, in his 
public addresses, has said as much as that. 'Does not every Dem- 
ocrat know that, and yet, what an anomaly have we presented to 



30 

us. With the Ship of State drifting upon the rocks, with the bal- 
ances wavering between preservation and destruction, we have 
seen another political party since tlie outset of this struggle de- 
voting all its time and zeal in criticising every act of the Admin- 
istration. As I have said before, I will thank any Democrat who 
listens to me to rise and point my attention to a single measure 
aimed at this rebellion which has not been denounced and stigma- 
tized, or criticised offensively by the political party which I have 
just referred to. The most hallowed names and famous, have 
been prostituted to awaken public prejudice. The most sacred 
principles and ideas liave been perverted to lash into a foam of 
fury every thing brutal and savage and cowardly in the country. 
Laws have been taken from the judiciary to the mob, and questions 
decided by regularly constituted courts have been re tried in the 
presence of the mob. This has been done by men who have en- 
deavored to goad them on to acts which no right-minded man can 
palliate, and what has been tlio result? This mode of procedure 
has culminated in sins the most disgraceful, the most abhorrent 
that have ever branded the records of human madness and excess. 
Rioters and murderers have stalked abroad through tlie public 
ways, and, at last, as if mortal baseness had not gone far enough, 
as if the lowest deep was seeking for a lower depth, tlie smoke of 
the burning Orplian Asylum has been ascending up to tell in 
heaven of the inluiman bigotry and horrible barbarity of man. 
[Applause.] What are the excuses for all this? Wiiat excuse is 
it at a time M^ien among politicians it is a catch-word that who- 
ever opposes a war in which his country is engaged digs his polit- 
ical grave ? What is it then that leads these men to an opposition 
such as this? Why, in the first place we are told this war could 
have been prevented. It could have been prevented by those men 
who now embody the loyal'sentiment of the country. If that ex- 
pression is offensive, I mean by it, those men who now give sup- 
port to the Administration of Abraham Lincoln. The answer that 
we give to it four times out of five is an answer untrue to history. 
" No matter who brought on the war, this is no time to inquire in- 
to the causes." Now, who it was that could have prevented, 
and did not prevent this war, wlioever could have averted it by 
the exercise of power, by submitting to any sacrifice, by consent- 
ing to any compromise, that could be defended on any principles 



31 

of justice, on principles of wisdom, on principles even of expedien- 
cy ; whoever could have done that and failed to do it has accu- 
mulated for himself a history of guilt which the waters of forgetful- 
ness will roll over in vain. It is a great matter to know whether 
this war could have been prevented. And, I say, and I am pre- 
pared every where to discuss with any man that question, and to 
maintain that this war could not have been prevented without 
consenting to the destruction, degradation, and subversion of this 
Government. I am not going to stop here to dwell upon the ways 
and means which were resorted to for preventing it, further than 
to remind you of this. In the Legislature of this State in Con- 
ventions held by our political opponents, it had been maintained 
that the great cause of all the controversy was that slavery was 
excluded from the Federal Territories. But let it be borne in 
mind the Republican party offered to the South better conditions 
than the Democratic party ever did. In Congress we voted solid 
to give to these men, not upon conditions, not if we miglit have 
one part of these Territories, but all and absolutely what was 
comprised south of the line 3G°30'. Slavery could live theoretic- 
ally, even if niggers were freezing it was said. South of that line 
we had New Mexico and other Territories great enough to make 
about seven States such as this. Now what did we offer, and 
what did we vote but instantly on that day we would pass an en- 
abling Act which should bring in all this territory, even though 
there should not be a white man, woman, or child within its limits. 
Thus putting them in full control, and giving them representatives 
in Congress for each Territory so admitted. And they responded 
to it in language I will not stop here to repeat. That and all the 
other propositions were the idlest of all attempts to play with men 
who were pursuing a foregone conclusion. 

There is another excuse about this war for the country. Some 
say we are for a war, but not such a war. You ask them why, 
and the reply is, because this is an Abolition war, or it is a nigger 
war, or, according to the latest pronunciation, a nagur war. Who 
says that? Who says that it is being carried on to emanci- 
pate slaves as an object and an end ? I will admit that the men 
who support this Government, and I will say that I am one of 
them, will be very glad when the time shall come that nowhere 
throughout this broad Republic shall the sun rise upon a master 



32 

or set upon a slave. [Cheering and prolonged applause.] But, 
Mr. Chairman, do nietho favor, if you please, to mark me well 
while I say it slowly, that this is an aspiration of humanity, 
not the mission of a political party. That it is the hope of the 
friends of man, not the object of the Government of the United 
States. 

There was a time, and that not very long ago, when the armies 
of the Repuljlic did go forth in order tliat slavery might advance 
iipou the crimson wings of murder. There was a time when cities 
were sacked, and territories were laid waste with fire and sword, 
in order that they might be planted with slavery. But this Union 
is to be preserved. This Tree of Constitutional Liberty, which 
our fathers planted and watered with their blood, is to be culti- 
vated and protected against those who would lay the ax at its 
root. And if, in protecting it, as the car of progress marches on, 
slavery is trampled to death, I hope nobody will ask me to mourn. 
[Applause.] I shall feel as that old lady did, speaking of her hus- 
band, " the Lord forbid tliat I should kill John, but if it should 
please the Lord to take him away. His will be done," 

What is all this bug-bear in regard to the negro? When this 
fight began, there was a laboring population numbering four mil- 
lions in the South. They received no wages, they were fed on 
hog and hominy, and cheap at tliat; and their business was to till 
the soil of the South, and they did it. But the Democratic party 
has told us that not only was slave labor adequate to their pur- 
poses, but that it was the only labor. This population, then, this 
clement of strength, was cultivating the soil of the South, feeding 
and clothing the armies of the rebellion. Suppose the negro is 
cowardly, suppose he is effeminate, suppose he never could pull 
the trigger or dig a trench, what then ? All war is a commercial 
question. There was a time when war was a question of personal- 
prowess, when men fought with battle-axes. These were the bat- 
tles which the Crusaders fought, and the Troubadours sung. But 
men have banished all this, and war has become simply a question 
of who can buy and pay for the most iron and lead ; who can 
feed, and pay, and clothe the largest number of men for the longest 
time. All war now, is a question of money ; so many ounces of 
blood for so many pieces of silver. How prosperous was the na- 
tion once. We were waging a war with nature, siuiply for the 



33 

possession and occupation of an Empire. The people possessed a 
soil wbicli needed only " to be tickled with a hoe, to laugh with a 
harvest." 

The people of the South were evidently carrying on this war 
by dint of the servile element, and the question was whether these 
four million people should labor for the rebellion, or cease to labor 
for it. That was the practical question. Is there a man here, or 
any where, that will say, I would be glad now if this slave popu- 
lation had continued to labor for the enemies of our country. 
Look at the house of this neighbor, the home where one is dead. 
There is an empty chair which was once occupied by some bright 
spirit, in whose veins there coursed brave blood ; he exchanged 
the fireside for the battle-field and the camp, and at last poured 
out his life-blood, that the Republic might live. Go and look at 
such a picture as that, and then say whether you are glad that a 
blow has been struck that weakens the power of those who stand 
with their hands and faces dripping with the blood of murder. I 
would like to have a class-meeting, as they say, and compare gifts 
a little while, with any man who would oppose me. To get out 
these men, the President proclaimed liberty to those who would 
desert the standard of rebellion. What else should we have done ? 
The law of war is, that a combatant shall destroy the property of 
his adversary if he can not use it. What ought we to have done 
for these men, give them death or liberty ? This is the question. 
The President decided with the Emancipation Proclamation. 
And the comment upon it by men wild with political frenzy, is to 
go out into the highways and the byways, and if they could find a 
man too ignorant to subscribe his name, tell him that this Procla- 
mation let loose all that black horde of the South to destroy wages ; 
think of that, that these black men in the South, whose wives and 
children are beasts of the field, to whom liberty is given in the 
land they love, should leave their homes for the colder regions of 
the North. We know that the Almighty has placed his edict 
against their coming here, because the climate excludes them. 
And, therefore, the monstrous proposition fails. When freedom 
and rights are guaranteed to these men, they will not turn and fly 
from home and happiness, into a northern climate where it only 
remains for them to starve out or freeze out. What a wretched 
pretense it is, that we are to feel so squeamish about taking and 
3 



34 

confiscating the property of these men. Why is it, that men, who 
have drenched this land with blood, who have buried it under a 
mountain of dead, who have made you and me stand in the midst 
of a hundred thousand new-made graves, why is it, that their 
property should not be taken to repair some part of the ruin which 
they have ruthlessly caused ? I feel as that man did, who said, if 
any rebel has a mule that can draw a howitzer, and a negro that 
can touch it off, I want them ; or if the negro can draw it, and 
the mule touch it off better, I am willing. Now there is another 
excuse. It is, that this man, Abraliam Lincoln, is an usurper. 
Think of a man having spasms over that. [Applause.] Now, in 
the first pla,ce, we were told tliat the difficulty with the action of 
the President was, that he had suspended the privilege oi habeas cor- 
pus, when Congress should have done it. That was the point made 
in the famous 9th Resolution of the Democratic party, at Syracuse. 
They admitted that it was for the Government to judge, but they 
said the President can not do it, it must be done by the Represent- 
atives of the people. Now, that was a pretty small point to make 
the pivot of so much opposition. But Congress did pass a law re- 
garding it. The writ of habeas corpus never was intended to lib- 
erate a man against whom a case could be made. They meant a 
writ which should release from imprisonment a man charged with 
no legal offense which could be proved against him. It was in- 
tended, simply, to release men against whom legal offense could 
not be proved. The British Government said that ought to be 
the law in all ordinary times, and gradually they provided that 
never, except in case of invasion or the public safety requiring it, 
the writ should be suspended ; and then for the same reasons that 
in all branches of business and in every government, the managers 
of that business or government must have, sometimes, extraordi- 
nary powers. In France you are locked into the cars, and in case 
of accident you can not stir, tlie Government supposing that it is 
best for public safety. Tlie captain of a ship at sea, when the 
storm rises, is instantly invested with despotic powers ; he has a 
right to drag you below to make you man the pumps, to do any 
thing that will rescue that ship's load and crew from tlie storm 
that sweeps over them. So our fatliers, when they laid the keel 
and launched the Ship of State upon the tide, amid darkness and 
violence, said, we will provide that when the storm howls and the 



35 

mountaiQ billows roll, when the public safety requires it on ac- 
count of extraordinary emei-gencies, we will give our public serv- 
ants the right to suspend this writ. To the end that men may 
be arrested though you can not prove before the Grand Jury, or 
the Court, that they are guilty. It was for this reason that clause 
was incorporated into the Constitution. Your public servants 
are responsible to you in double trust. First, you will turn them 
out of office should they prove recreant to duty, by the verdict of 
that great Jury, the people [particularly if all the soldiers vote]. 
[Applause.] But he is responsible again to be impeached in your 
House of Representatives for suspending the writ of habeas corpus 
improperly in any case, even in that of the humblest citizen who 
lives in a hovel, as in case of a man dressed in purple and fine 
linen. Surely, here is a great outcry. Personal liberty has been 
invaded. I wonder whether that woman of the ancients, who 
was supposed to mark the deeds and shortcomings of men, will 
charge this Administration with severity ? I wonder, when the 
smoke of this battle has cleared away, when the issues of these 
times are gathered up into history's golden urn, whether it will be 
found that Abraham Lincoln was guilty of perversion of the laws. 
He allowed men to stalk abroad in the public ways, livid with 
treason, when if he had but put forth his hand, he might have 
placed, them beyond the possibility of inflicting upon us the harm 
which they have done. I recall one John C. Breckenridge, stand- 
ing under the dome of the Capitol, and applauded to the echo by 
the galleries, because lie uttered the very blasphemies of treason. 
There was no overt act, and the rulings of the Court in the trial 
of Burr, prevented laying hands on him. He went to Baltimore 
and made speeches to the " blood-tubs and plug-uglies," in order 
to arouse them to action against the Government. Yet, this was 
not legal treason, for he was allowed to go forthwith from that 
city to the armies of the rebellion, and he lias done them no slight 
service. 

Then there was Gustavus W. Smith, who held a very lucrative 
office in New York, and one of great power — elected to it by the 
Democratic party, as a conservative man. You and I are radical. 
Every man is who is in favor of the Constitution of George Wash- 
ington. Now, this party which elected him knew him to be a trai- 
tor, and if he was here to-day it would be a terrible off'ense to 



36 

arrest liim, and none would be so unwise as to do it. Fernando, 
and New York, and Tammany, and the World, and that little pa- 
per, the JVeics, knew that Smith was a traitor. And I almost be- 
lieve the President thought he ought to arrest him. Had he done 
so, he would have been in a condition like that man who at- 
tempted to take a petty constable, and was warned thus : " don't 
you lay your hands on me ; you touch me, and the whole common- 
wealth shakes." Gus. Smith was a Democratic officer, and, there- 
fore, was allowed to escape. And he is one of the most distin- 
guished Generals in tlie Rebel service. 

And there was Level. Every man knew that he was a traitor 
at heart. He was Deputy Street Commissioner ; he said to this 
nan, go, and he goeth ; to that one pave, and he paveth. But we 
could count up scores of men who ouglit to have been arrested, and 
who if they had been, would have spared many of the lives of your 
husbands and sons. Yet Democrats complain that the great writ 
of Habeas Corpus has been suspended. Every man who is arrest- 
ed can only be lield till the first term of the Court, his case must 
then be investigated. Doubtless, the Government errs sometimes, 
like the penitent horse-thief who confessed he had taken a great 
many horses he ought to have left, but he had left a great many 
he ought to have taken. [Cheers.] There are many other ques- 
tions which we can not touch upon. It is a gratification to me 
that these questions with all the clap-trap, and humbug, and 
dishonesty, and fustian, and rant which can be put into them 
have been passed upon by a good many of the people of these 
States lately — California, Maine, Iowa, Indiana, Pennsylvania, 
and Ohio. Now our friends the Conservatives are in great dis- 
tress, not because it was necessary to call back forty thousand 
men from each army, but they were having great distress because 
the soldiers who are in the Hospitals were allowed to go home 
and vote. Is it not a little singular that the Democratic party 
claim that they have so large a proportion of representatives in 
our army ? If I read aright the election returns, they are beaten 
about a million to one. Now this may be a slight exaggeration, 
similar to that of the man wlio said he had a horse who could trot 
a mile in 2-40, or within a very few minutes of it. Oh ! these 
DemocratiB say their officers have gone off and put tickets in their 
hands, and they have voted them. If they were only free, it would 



:J7 



be otherwise. But if you believe what you say, Mr. Democrat, 
■why is it that you would not last winter consent that these sol- 
diers should vote? They could sit down without their officers' 
knowledge and prepare a ballot for any one they pleased, and 
send it home and let the friend who received it deposit it in the 
ballot box, and no one know for whom it was written. 

The Attorney General of this State advised that there was no 
doubt whatever about the Constitutional power of the Legislature 
to enable these men to vote. Yet, the Democratic party dares not 
suffer it, but shuts them out from the privilege of voting, at least 
until 1866. And I will suggest this to every man who comes to 
this Convention, to make it his business to see that the authorities 
at Washington allow every sick and invalid soldier, who can not 
perform service in the field, to return to the place where he was en- 
rolled, and cast his vote in this election. And if we are only true 
to ourselves during the two weeks that remain, we shall be victo- 
rious ; those who can, will discuss before the people of this State, 
discreetly and fairly, the issues to be passed upon. I will not be- 
lieve till the votes are counted, that this great and glorious State, 
after all our sister States have been expressing their approbation 
of the great measures before the people, will refuse that pledge 
and stumble to the rear. Never ! [Applause.] The result will 
make every man, who is loyal to his country, rejoice in his heart 
of hearts. [Great applause.] 

The Convention then adjourned sine die. 



38 



LIST OF DELEG-ATES. 



Albany. — D. W. Seeley, Brace Millard, Jacob H. Martin, 
Robert Taylor, James Mathias, L. Van Derkar. 

Cayuga. — Major Solomon Giles, A. W. Siiirtliff, Wm. Moore, 
Rev. B. I. Ives, W. J. Teft, J. Sprague Morley, Wm. I. Tator. 

Cortland. — H. J. Messenger. 

Columbia. — Charles C. Terry, William B. "Van Yleck. 

Dutchess. — Francis A. Utter. 

Erie. — Hon. E. G. Spaulding, George W. Bull. 

Fulton. — J. P. Swartliout, Rilus Eastman, Alden A. Hamlin. 

Herkimer. — Thomas Richardson, Wm. Kitzmiller, Josiah Shull, 
J. W. Davidson, Robert Ethridge, C. Johnson. 

Jefferson. — Hon. James A. Bell, J. K. Bates, B. Brockway, E. 
G. Ferris, J. B. Kimball, M. H. Peck, J. Babcock, Isaac Howe, 
Aaron Dexter, C. D. Olney, Perley Ainsworth. 

Kings. — G. J. Bennett, D. M. Berry, S. Spitzer. 

Madison. — Gerritt Smith, James Barnett, D. W. Cameron, 
Charles Crandell, John J. Foot, Thomas L. James. 

Monroe. — J. W. Stebbins, Daniel Wood, H. N. Beech. 

Montgomery. — Robert Van Epps, Peter G. Webster, John 
Finchout, Andrew Gilchrist. 

Mew York. — J. A. Stevens, Jr., John Jay, John Cochrane, R. B. 
Roosevelt, Ludwig Kapff, Victor Spitzer, A. Erbe, F. Schutz, E. 
W. Hoeber, H. D. Tellkampf. 

Oneida. — Hon. Ward Hunt, Roscoe Conkling, John Dagwell, 
Lagrand Moor, Col. John E. Hindman, J. Willard, George Evans, 
Jolin Ballard, Milton Converse, Peter B. Crandell, D. G. Van- 
zant, A. W. Kellogg, Sylvester Gridley, Fayette Peck, C. R. Dean, 
J. McK. Bray ton, Wm. J McKown, C. C. Bacon, D. J. Millard, 
Eli Avery, George W. Cole, John G. Jones, D. M. Prescott, J. 
W. Carpenter, G. 0. Griffiths, Robert P. Williams, R. U. Sher. 
man, J. W. Cook, D. A. Crane, 0. B. Stacy, H. A. Crain, C. B. 



39 

Asliby, Doctor Lntlier Guiteau, Wm. A. Morgan, Jeremiah Sweet, 
James Cavana, John W. Douglas, George G. Cadwell, J. Wardle 
Dodge, Alex. H. Brainard, Ed. Huntington, Edwin C. Saunders, 
Archibald Hess. 

Onondaga. — George N. Kennedy, Archibald C. Powell, John 
W. Lewis, Charles H. Mead, Lewis T. Hawley, George Baxter, 
W. R. Gorton, D. Kellogg Leitch, David A. Munro, Thomas 
Sherwood, H. C. Collins. 

Ontario. — George N. Williams, J. P. Champion. 

Oranfre. — ^John J. Stewart, John C. Schofield. 

Orleans.— S. P. Merrell, Dan H. Cole, John H. Denis. 

Osivego. — Hon. R. K. Sandford, R. L. Adams, Rev. J. V. 
Hilton, George A. Leonard, D. J. Whiting. 

Otsego. — Jared Clark, E. F. Hotchkess, G. C. Cushman, B. W. 
Lyell, J. R. Hull. — - 

Rensselaer. — John A. Millar^, Thomas B. Carroll, C. S. Allan, 
M.D., Rev. M. W. Meeker, Hiram Drum, B. E. Heydon. 

Saratoga. — Alanson Welch, Henry Holmes. 

Schenectady.— B. Barrenge, H. E. Orcutt. 

Schoharie. — Peter G. Thorp, Peter Low, J. P. Lansing, D. P. 
Brown, C. B. Fellows. 

St. Lawrence.— J. Van Slyke, John F. Bugby. 

Se7icca.—S. Hotton, Peter Lot, William Kinch. 

Schuyler. — Robert Darling, William Bower, Abraham Law- 
rence, Sylvanus S. Mix, E. B. Hovy, John Broderick. 

Tio^a.— Nathaniel W. Davis, Alexander Jennings. 

Tompkins.— S. W. Dwight, G. M. Cole, Edward Karap, A. B. 
Clark. 

Washington. — N. Reynolds, Hamilton L. Waite, William Arm- 
strong, Milo Ingoldsby. 

Wayne.— QcQvgQ N. Williams. " ^ 

Westchester.— ^omwQX G. Welling, John D. Comstock. 
Fa^es.— Samuel Jayne, Gecri'ge W. Taylor. 



A 



STA.TE COMIVIITTEE. 



Judicial District& 

1st. — George Opdyke, New York. 

James T. Brady, " 

2d. — Alexander Davidson, Haverstraw, Rockland. 

J. NoDYNE, Brooklyn, Kings. 
3d. — Thomas B. Carroll, Troy, Rensselaer. 

John C. Newkirk, Hudson, Columbia. 
4tli. — John F. Havens, Canton, St. Lawrence. 

Darius V. Berry, Fonda, Montgomery. 
5th. — R. U. Sherman, New Hartford, Oneida. 

Edward S. Lansing, Watertown, Jefiferson. ' 
6tli. — Abraham Lawrence, Havana, Schuyler. 

Hon. Ezra Cornell, Ithaca, Tompkins. 
7th. — Hon. I. L. Endress, Dansville, Livingston. 

Adolphus Morse, Rochester, Monroe. 
8 th. — Harry Wilbur, Batavia, Genesee. 

Dan H. Cole, Albion, Orleans. 



THE STATE COMMITfEE ORGANIZED JUNE 4, 1862. 

Chairman and Treasurer. 

George Opdyke. 

Secretaries. 

Thomas B. Carroll, 373 Broadway, Albany. 

John Austin Stevens, Jr., 813 Broadway, New York. 

Executive Committee. 

George Opdyke, New York. 

Thomas B. Carroll, Albany. 

Isaac L. Endress, ^ Livingston. 

Harry Wilbur, Genesee. 

Alexander Davidson, Rockland. 

John Austin Stevens, Jr., New York. 

Headquarters, 

HALL OF THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE, 

813 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. 



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LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



1st. 



012 026 655 A # 

ST-^TE COMMITTEE. 



Judicial Districts. 

-George Opdyke, New York. 

James T. Brady, " 

2d. — Alexander Davidson, Haverstraw, Rockland. 

J. NoDYNE, Brooklyn, Kings. 
3d. — Thomas B. Carroll, Troy, Rensselaer. 

John C. Newkirk, Hudson, Columbia. 
4th. — John F. Havens, Canton, St. Lawrence. 

Darius Y. Berry, Fonda, Montgomery. 
5th. — R. U. Sherman, New Hartford, Oneida. 

Edward S. Lansing, Watertown, Jefferson. 
6th. — Abraham Lawrence, Havana, Schuyler. 

Hon. Ezra Cornell, Ithaca, Tompkins. 
7th. — Hon. I. L. Endress. Dansville, Livingston. , 

Adolphus Morse, Rochester, Monroe. 
8th. — Harry Wilbur, Batavia, Genesee. 

Dan H. Cole, Albion, Orleans. 



THE STATE COMMITTEE ORGANIZED JUNE 4, 18G2. 

Chairman and Treasurer. 

George Opdyke. 

Secretaries. 

Th^omas B. Carroll, 373 Broadway, Albany. 

•John Austin Stevens, Jr., 813 Broadway, New York. 

Executive Committee. 

George Opdyke, New York. 

Thomas B. Carroll, Albany. 

Isaac L. Endress,. Livingston. 

Harry Wilbur, Genesee. 

Alexander Davidson, Rockland. 

John Austin Stevens, Jr., New York. 

Headquarters, 

HALL OF THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE, 

813 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. 



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\ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



012 026 655 A 



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